Indian dating clubs in durban

06 Apr

In Indian-owned buses, stores, and movie theatres, a racial hierarchy of Indian over African developed based on the social grammars of property, relationship with land, family structure, and different gender roles.In such circumstances, practices integral to maintaining diasporiciiidentities””such as religious festivals, marriage, caste (), language, and even dress and food””became signifiers of ranked status and perceived exclusion.Despite its loss of territory, the Zulu kingdom remained independent until its loss in the 1879 Anglo-Zulu War.In 1887, Natal officially incorporated “Zululand” into the colony. The Indian diaspora””or, more precisely, diasporas””did not simply bring a South Asian population to Africa’s shores. Manfred Shaffer, “Population Patterns and Policies in South Africa, 1951-1960,” 40, no. This dissertation examines the ways in which segregationist policies, African and Indian political organizations, and everyday social practices continuously reproduced an African/Indian racial divide despite the heterogeneity of each group and the quotidian intimacies of urban life.In 1960, 49 percent of South Africa’s Indians lived in Natal’s largest city, Durban, and Indians constituted 35 percent of its total residents.5 Natal is also home to the majority of isi Zulu speakers, who not only dominate the province numerically, but are heirs to one of the most powerful and brutal histories of resistance and repression in southern Africa.In part due to colonial policies of governance and later apartheid structures, different forms of Zulu and Indian nationalism””both within and outside of historic organizations like the ANC and the Natal Indian Congress (NIC)””profoundly influenced the region’s political, intellectual, and cultural landscapes for much of the 20th Century.

indian dating clubs in durban-37

While finishing this dissertation, I had the immense pleasure of working on a collective intellectual and curatorial project that greatly enriched my thinking and writing, the series and art exhibition at New College and the Justina M. I wish to dedicate this thesis to my closest collaborators of this past year: Hillina Seife, Tejpal S. Thank you, once more, for your inspiring friendship and peerless intellectual Table of Contents Introduction Racial Consciousness and the Boundaries of Diaspora 2Organization and Chapter Summaries 6Sources, Language, and Racial Terminology 12Chapter I Political Economy, Stereotype, and Urban Space Introduction 20The Intersection of Space and Stereotype 25Stages of Urbanization 33Grey Street and the “Indian” Store 39Landlords and Housing 44Sites Moving through Space: Buses 48Other Sites: Bioscopes and Employers 52Relationships and the Complexities of the Everyday 58Chapter II African Nationalism and the Indian Diaspora, 1945-1949 Introduction 62Post-War Changes in the ANC and Indian Congresses 67The NEUM, Xuma, and the Communist Party 74The Passive Resistance Campaign and the United Nations 79The Xuma-Dadoo-Naicker Pact 85Backlash in the Natal ANC: The Ambiguities of Dependence 89Backlash in the ANC: African Nationalism 94Conclusion: An Irresolute Culmination 102Chapter III The 1949 Anti-Indian Pogrom and the Crisis in the Natal ANC Introduction 106India on the World’s Stage 111The 1949 Anti-Indian Pogrom 116Initial Responses 123The Debate between 128The Crisis in the Natal ANC 135The Vicissitudes of A. Indeed the retail trade in native goods is almost wholly in their hands, to the chagrin and grief of European merchants.

Despite the destruction of this urban landscape by forced removals beginning in the late 1950s, these social relationships powerfully shaped African and Indian identities in Natal, the popular memory of different communities, and the later politics of the anti-apartheid struggle.

Although a few recent publications have attempted to break down the bifurcation that characterizes Natal’s historiography, the majority of academic writing on the province employs a race-based framework that focuses on either Indians or Zulu-speaking Africans.

I would like to express my gratitude to the staffs at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center; the William Cullen Library at University of the Witwatersrand; and the Killie Campbell Africana Library, Durban.

One of the greatest pleasures of this project was the generous welcome, encouragement, and assistance that I received from academic colleagues and former activists in South Africa, including Isabel Hofmeyr, Sarah Nuttall, Jeff Guy, Elizabeth Gunner, Phillip Bonner, Vishnu Padayachee, David Hemson, Pamila Gupta, Ronit Frenkel, Rehana Ebr.-Valley, Phyllis Naidoo, and Ismail Nagdee.